ARCTIC MENACE: Chinese, Russian Operations off Coast of Alaska
Elizabeth Lapporte / Wilson Beaver /
Rear Adm. Megan Dean, the commander of the 17th Coast Guard District, reported earlier this month that China has demonstrated increased interest in the Arctic where—for the first time—China’s coast guard has been operating in the Bering Sea, not far from the coast of Alaska.
Specifically, two Chinese coast guard vessels, accompanied by two Russian border guard patrol vessels, were observed by the U.S. Coast Guard near the maritime boundary between the U.S. and Russia.
According to the report, the vessels were transiting in formation in the northeastern direction, staying approximately 5 miles inside the Russian Exclusive Economic Zone.
The increased military cooperation between China and Russia is not limited to the maritime domain. In July, U.S. fighters intercepted Chinese and Russian bombers operating together in the Alaskan Air Defense Identification Zone, a clear demonstration of their growing coordination and aggression.
That is troubling.
China’s increased presence in the Arctic, alongside Russia, highlights a broader geopolitical shift that has serious implications for the United States and our allied interests.
The 2024 U.S. Department of Defense Arctic Strategy underscored the critical importance of the Arctic to U.S. national security, stating: “The Arctic is a strategically important region for the United States.” It also said, “The North American Arctic region is also integral to the execution of Indo-Pacific operations.”
A U.S. failure in the Arctic would not only diminish its presence in the Northern Hemisphere, but could also undermine the ability to project power effectively in the Indo-Pacific—a region where tensions with China over Taiwan and the freedom of navigation have been escalating.
The Arctic has always been a sensitive zone, but the emerging Sino-Russian alliance is turning the region into a potential flash point for global conflict.
We must ensure the Arctic does not become a strategic blind spot, and we must be deliberate in our approach.
The U.S. and Russia both hold significant territory in the Arctic and are thus “Arctic states.” China, on the other hand, has no territory in the Arctic whatsoever.
And yet, China has self-proclaimed its status as a “near-Arctic state that wants to be a “polar great power” by 2030, signaling that Beijing is not only seeking a foothold in the region, but is positioning itself for dominance—an ambition it is pursuing in concert with Russia.
According to its 2018 Arctic policy, China seeks to understand, protect, develop, and participate in the governance of the Arctic. While its intentions are seemingly altruistic on paper, Beijing has been aggressive in practice. In 2023, China deployed listening devices and spy buoys in Arctic waters, and it is busily investing in building new icebreakers.
For Russia, the Arctic plays a significant role in national security and economic calculations. With more than 80% of its natural gas and a significant portion of its oil coming from the region, Russia claims the right to regulate waters along the Northern Sea Route.
Because of the Arctic region’s strategic importance, Russia continues to invest heavily in new military infrastructure and refurbish Soviet-era installations. Despite attrition as a result of the war in Ukraine, its strategic, air, and maritime forces remain intact.
The Sino-Russian partnership in the Arctic presents a multifaceted challenge. Left unchecked, their growing influence could reshape the balance of power in the region. These recent incidents in which Chinese and Russian vessels were observed near U.S. waters in the Bering Sea and their aircraft operated in the Alaskan Air Defense Identification Zone are clear manifestations of the escalating threat, a signal of deepening cooperation between two powers that seek to challenge U.S. dominance worldwide.
These events serve as a reminder that the Arctic is no distant frontier, but a region where geopolitical tensions are increasingly playing out in real time.